


ms 



0^ ^ 



THE CINCINNATI CONVENTION. 



LETTER 

FROM 

JAMES L. ORR, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, 

TO 

HON. C. W. DUDLEY, 

On the propriety of having the State of South Carolina represented in the 
Deniocratie National Convention, to he held in Cincinnati. 



Anderson, November 23, 1855. 

Dear Sir: I avail myself of this occasion 
to respond to your letter, inquiring my opin- 
ion of the propriety of having South Caro- 
lina represented in the National Convention 
at Cincinnati. 

The objects of this convention are two- 
fold : first, to nominate true and reliable 
candidates for the Presidency and Vice Pre- 
sidency for the canvass of 1856 ; and second, 
to lay dovi^n a platform of principles, for the 
maintenance of which the Democratic party 
are to be pledged. 

A convention is merely a method of find- 
ing out what the popular opinion is, and 
giving to it a more conspicuous and irapes- 
ing expression. It has been steadily, and 
uniformly pursued by the Democracy of all 
the States (except our own) for fifteen years 
or more, and the selection of delegates, man- 
ner of voting and nominating, has been de- 
fined by a usage well understood and acqui- 
esced in, as if regulated by law. Hence, 
we know that such a convention will assem- 
ble in Cincinnati in May next, and that it 
will nominate Candidates for the Presidency 
and Vice Presidency^adopt a platform of 
principles — and it is nearly certain that the 
nominees will receive the votes of the Demo- 
cratic party of every State in the Union. 
Shall the Democracy of this State send 
delegates? It is our privilege to be repre- 
sented there, and at the present time I be- 
lieve it to be a high and solemn duty to meet 
our political allies, and to aid, by our pres- 
ence, and councils, in selecting suitable 
nominees and constructing a platform, which 
will secure our rights and uphold the Con- 
stitution. 

There has never been a time since the 
convention policy was adopted — if, indeed, 
there has been such a time since the Gov- 
ernment waa inaugurated — when the success 



of the Democratic party in the electoral 
college was so vitally important as now. If 
that party should be defeated in the election 
before the people, every patriot's mind must 
be filled with gloomy forebodings of the fu- 
ture. The indications now are, that the 
opposition to the Democratic party, made 
up of Know Nothings, Abolitionists, and 
Fusionists, will run two or more candidates : 
if the Democracy fail to secure a majority 
in the electoral college over all elements of 
opposition, then the election must be made, 
according to the Constitution, by the House 
of Representatives. Can we safely trust the 
election of our rights to that body? The 
House is now elected, and we know that a 
decided majority of the House are members 
of the Know Nothing, Fusion, and Whig 
parties ; and if the election be devolved on 
them, the Democratic party will be certainly 
defeated, and perhaps a Fusionist promoted 
to the Presidency. Are tbe people of South 
Carolina so indifferent to their relations to 
the Federal Government, that they will qui- 
etly look on and see such an administration 
as we have had since the 4th of March, '53 
— an administration that has faithfully and 
fearlessly maintained the Constitution in its 
purity — supplanted by Nnow Nothingism or 
Black Republicanism? That is the issue to 
be decided in the nest presidential election, 
and that, too, in the electoral college ; for 
if we fail there, then we know now with 
absolute certainty that we must be defeated 
before the House. Was it, then, ever so 
important before that the convention should 
be filled with discreet, patriotic men ; that 
there should be the fullest representation of 
every man devoted to the Democratic faith, 
and opposed to Fusion and Know Nothing- 
ism ; that they should commune freely to- 
gether, and nominate a candidate who will 
command the confidence of the entire party ; 



^ 






and that such interchange of opinions may 
enable them to adopt a sound constitutional 
platform? Was it ever before so important 
that an election should be made by the peo- 
ple, without going to the House of Repre- 
sentatives? Can we hesitate to meet the ! 
true men of the North, and co-operate with i 
them, when the dust of the fray in many 
hard-fought battles against Fusionists and 
Black Republicans is still settled on their 
garments? They have for more than twelve 
months been lighting for the Constitution 
and for the maintenance of your righls. Will 
you turn from them, with callous and heart- 
less indifference, and twit them of being 
Abolitionists themselves? Such a policy 
would not only be the blackest ingratitude, 
but it would drive off all those national, 
conservative friends that are now standing 
by you. 

Will we hesitate to meet our friends from 
our own section there, and aid them in the 
grave work before them? Or will we haugh- 
tily turn from them, and by our conduct, in 
refusing to mingle with them, by implica- 
tion, reproach them for infidelity to us and 
themselves? 

But I may be met here with this inquiry : 
Why do you assume that the Democracy, 
with a favorite nominee and a sound plat- 
form, will be more successful than the party 
was when the members of the House of Rep- 
resentatives were elected, and from whose 
action you hope for so little benefit to the 
South? I reply, that nearly all the non- 
slavcholding States elected their Congress- 
men more than twelve months ago, and im- 
mediately after the passage of the Kansas 
and Nebraska act. That act raised a storm 
of fanaticism which wafted Fusion dema- 
gogues into power ; the men who voted for 
it could not reach home in time to canvass 
their districts as thoroughly as should have 
been done ; they could not discuss before the 
election the principles of the bill, and show 
that they were drawn from the Constitution. 
Fanaticism raged with wild fury at the 
North. But three of our friends were sus- 
tained in the great State of Pennsylvania, 
and two in Indiana. The fusion of Know 
Nothingisra and Abolitionism swept over the 
former State by a majority of thirty-five 
thousand, and over the latter by near twenty 
thousand. These disasters overtook us one 
jear ago, when members to Congress were 
elected. Illinois, Michigan, Maine, and 
New Jersey, were likewise overrun by Fu- 
sion. 

But hew stands the contest now in those 
States? Pennsylvania, the gallant Keystone 
State, and the breakwater against the tur- 
bulent waves of northern fanaticism, has 
rallied to the Constitution and the old Demo- 
cratic banner in her late election for State 
officers, and has not only beaten back Fu- 
sion, but has near fifteen thousand of a pop- 
uiav majorit/ for the Democratic faith, m- 



cluding the Nebraska act. Indiana has re- 
deemed her escutcheon from the stain of 
Black Republicanism, and has given the 
Democracy a majority of near fifteen thous- 
and in her recent State elections. Many 
other of the northern States have done 
equally well ; and yet, in the next Congress, 
if the presidential election is devolved on 
the House of Representatives, the votes of 
every northern State (except Iowa, and it 
will be divided,) will be cast either for Fu- 
sion or Know Nothing candidates. The late 
elections show that there has been a reaction 
in the North, almost unparalleled in politi- 
cal annals; and it is nearly certain, if the 
South is true to herself, and sustains with 
unanimity a constitutional Democrat, that 
the aid we will receive from some of the 
northern States will enable us to elect him 
in the electoral college ; but if his election 
was even more doubtful than I imagine, still 
it is all important that a vigorous and con- 
certed effort should be made ; for 1 have 
shown that if we fail in the electoral col- 
lege, the House will elect a President hos- 
tile to our political opinions, if not to our 
institutions. If it should be Seward, or any 
other Black Republican, and an effort should 
be made to carry out their platform, then I 
see no means whereby the Government itself 
can be preserved. Such an election must 
produce disunion, bloodshed, and anarchy. 
Are we prepared for it? And if yea, will 
we not be grossly derelict to humanity if we 
neglect to use all the efforts in our power to 
avert the catastrophe, so long as we can 
preserve the Government consistently with 
our own safety and rights? 

Our sister States of the South begin to 
appreciate the magnitude of the crisis which 
awaits our section. They perceive that the 
next convention is to be one of much more 
than usual importance, and they arc prepar- 
ing for an able and elticient representation 
there. Our sister, Georgia, has already 
taken the initiative to secure unity and har- 
mony among the States of the South, on 
questions of vital importance to us as a sec- 
tion. The Democratic and Anti-Know No- 
thing party of that State, through Cobb, 
Toombs, Iverson, Stephens, Warner, Hiil- 
yer, Bailey, Lamar, Scriven, and many 
other distinguished sons — former Whigs and 
Democrats, States Rights and Union men — 
have taken ground in favor of sending dele- 
gates to that convention — have declared the 
belief that the Dimocratic parly at the North 
was the only constitutional party — have reit- 
erated the Georgia platform, upon which 
mostof the politicians of this State, as I think, 
{)roperly stand, and propose to instruct their 
delegates to insist, at Cincinnati, upon a plat- 
form which shall — first, recognise and adopt 
the principles established in the Kansas- 
Nebraska act ; second, that neither the Mis- 
souri compromise, nor any other anti-slavery 
reiitritttiuu, shall hersafter be «xteuded ovttr 



any territory of the United States; third, 
the prompt and faithful execution of the 
fugitive slave law, and its permanent con- 
tinuance on the statute-book. The last res- 
olution, at the late mass meeting of the 
party at Milledgeville, addresses us in a 
language which commends itself to every 
Democrat in the South : 

"Resolved, That the Democratic and An- 

* ti-Know Nothing party in all our sister 
' States, and especially of the Soxilhern States, 
' are respectfully and earnestly requested to 

* take the foregoing resolutions into their 
' early consideration, and co-operate with, us 
' in the policy and objects intended to be 
' thereby secured." 

Such is their appeal to the South, We 
have heard much of southern union being 
necessary to our safety. We now have it 
in our power, by cordial co-operation with 
our southern sisters, to secure it — to secure 
it on such a basis as will permanently pre- 
serve our institutions. We can here make 
our demand, and with a united South, we 
can offer it to the true men of the North. 
If we act wisely and present such an ulti- 
matum, I doubt not that thousands, perhaps 
millions, at the North, will espouse and 
maintain it ; for it is a platform of the Con- 
stitution, and there are hosts of conservative 
men whom I know are prepared to maintain 
the Constitution of our fathers. 

Will we reject it with silent contempt — 
adhere to our isolation, and stubbornly re- 
fuse to fraternize with her, and all the bal- 
ance of our southern sisters? Who doubts 
that all the South will be represented there? 
and can it be said, truthfully, that our voice 
can be of no avail or weight, when the ulti- 
matum shall be laid down ; If we send del- 
egates, who can say that our votes may not 
secure a reliable nominee and a sound plat- 
form? Will the instructions of Georgia to 
her delegates be more or less potent with 
the endorsement of all or of only a portion 
of the South ? 

If, indeed, fanaticism is in the ascendant 
in the North, and cannot be overcome, then 
what initiative step towards a southern 
Union, for the last resort, can be more effec- 
tive than to unite all the South on the Geor- 
gia platform and instructions? Our influence 
in counsel and in action will be increased, 
whenever Ave show a hearty disposition to 
harmonize with our sisters in the South. 
Have we not heretofore kept aloof from 
their consultations in every instance, save 
in the Nashville convention? — and that was 
a movement which did not derive any popu- 
larity in the South from being suspected of 
having originated in South Carolina. Sooner 
or later we must learn the important truth, 
that the fate and destiny of the entire South 
is identical Isolation will give neither se- 
curity nor concert. When we meet Vir- 
ginia and Georgia, Alabama and Mississip- 
pi, in consultation, as at Cincinnati, it is the 



supremacy of Pharisaism to flippantly de- 
nounce such association as either dangerous 
or degrading. North Carolina, Missouri, 
Florida, and Texas, will be there represent- 
ed ; and are we too exalted or conceited to 
meet them at the same council board? 

We shall meet there many liberal mea 
from the North ; those who in their section 
have done good service against political ab- 
olitionism. When we insist upon our plat- 
form with firmness, and they see we only 
make a demand of our constitutional rights, 
they will concede it ; and when they go 
home they will prosecute the canvass in 
good faith, upon the principles enunciated 
at the convention . Concert among ourselves, 
with the aid of the conservative men at the 
North, may enable us to save a constitution- 
al Union ; if that cannot be preserved, it 
will enable us to save ourselves and our 
institutions. Are we alone to have unoccu- 
pied seats, when such grave matters are to 
be decided by the Cincinnati convention? 

Suppose the Democracy of this State 
should decide not to send delegates, and the 
other States of the South should follow her 
example, who would be voted for? Could 
the party, even at the South, without some 
concert, which could only be secured by 
meeting, rally upon the same man? No 
well-informed person would venture an af- 
firmative answer ; what would be the result? 
The Democratic party would certainly be 
defeated, and the Know Nothing, or Black 
Republican party, would as certainly be suc- 
cessful. Our policy, then, would inevitably 
bring upon us defeat ; and if we are to be 
saved from a Free Soil President, it is only 
to be done by the party in the other States 
assembling and making a nomination ia 
which we refuse to participate. Even those 
who are opposing the sending of the dele- 
gates, I doubt not, rejoice in the hope that 
the other States, despite our impracticable 
example, will meet and nominate candidates. 

But it violates the " time-honored policy 
of the State," say the objectors. That may 
be true, and yet should be of little conse- 
quence in deciding our course now. The 
" divine right of Kings " to rule the people, 
was consecrated by the lapse of centuries ; 
and if that had been conclusive of the ques- 
tion, our fathers were guilty of a grave of- 
fense when they announced the plebeian 
doctrine, that the people had the right to 
govern themselves and make their own laws. 
It may be wise to wear a cloak to-day, and 
very foolish to-morrow, and yet involve no 
inconsistency. It is much easier to assert 
the existence of the practice than to prove 
its wisdom. We have persisted in it for fif- 
teen years, and have made no converts by 
precept or example. -3// the other States 
in the Union noio send delegates to national 
conventions. There is no party, that I hare 
any knowledge of, or fragment of any party, 
that opposes that plan of ascertaining the 



Toice of the party in selecting candidates 
for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. 
However wise and defensible our opinions 
may have been heretofore, we have demon- 
strated, by fifteen years' experience, that 
we cannot induce a single one of our con- 
federates to think with us — the number 
against us being thirty to one. May we not 
hesitate long before we shall, with self-com- 
alaisancy, say they are all wrong, and we 
ire right.' As it is not a matter of conscience 
—but one simply of expediency — in what 
■nanner the voice of the party can be best 
iscertained in selecting candidates, is it not 
time that we should adopt their policy and 
renounce ours.' How much longer must we 
deny ourselves the equal privileges with our 
co-States in trying to prove to them we are 
right and they are wrong? If the past is to 
furnish the data of judging, it may be safely 
postponed until doomsday. We have con- 
verted no single State — nay more, in the 
broad expanse of this great Republic, I 
I know of only a single prominent man who 
has renounced his partialities for conven- 
tions, and who now opposes them, and that 
man is Thomas H Benton. 

The long and well-defined usage of the 
Democratic party gives us the privilege of a 
voice in nominating candidates, but we have 
heretofore refused it. I desire to see South 
Carolina now exercise it. I desire to see 
onr delegates there, controlling, to the ex- 
tent of their votes and intelligence, the nom- 
ination and platform. I am tired, heartily 



power. It is time that we should change 
this usage, which seems to be based more 
upon caprice than upon practical wisdom. 
If it has heretofore been wiso, it is no longer 
so. The congressional caucus system was 
tried and exploded ; conventions have been 
substituted. We may not have approved of 
the substitute, but we find that it is fastened 
upon the country by universal acquiescence. 
Shall we persist in a fruitless opposition to 
it, at the sacrifice of our privileges in the 
national convention.' It is a mistake to 
suppose that we are the party conferring a 
favor in going to the convention ; the re- 
verse is true. It is a joint meeting for our 
common good. So long as we remain in the 
Union, let us co-operate with our political 
allies to elect good men and secure whole- 
some measures. Why this voluntary isola- 
tion, in refusing to act with equals? Are 
we their superiors in wisdom and patriot- 
ism ; or has the degeneracy of the times left 
South Carolina no citizen who can be trust- 
ed with her rights or honor as a delegate? 
Are the people apprehensive that their dele- 
gates will prove faithless and treacherous? 
If that be true, then her members in Con- 
gress should be recalled, for they too have 
delicate and important trusts committed to 
their custody. 

Unsatisfactory as a convention is to many, 
the selection of a candidate by it, who must 
be accepted or rejected by the votes of the 
people, is far saler for the Republic than 
any election by any Congress. It is far 



tired, of seeing the delegates of the other easier to corrupt a small body, such as a 



States determining whom we shall vote for, 
unless we have an equal voice in tlie selec- 
tion. If we were denied the right of uniting 
with them, we would complain of it as an 
unbearable grievance ; and yet our voluntary 
refusal works just as great a practical inju- 
ry. Since 1840, we have invariably voted 
for their nominee, and yet, during all that 
time, have had no agency in determining 
whom he should be, or what should be the 



majority of the House of Representatives, 
than to corrupt the people. 5loney, office, 
position, succession, all may be held out as 
inducements to the former body ; they would 
be unavailing to the latter. It will be a 
great national calamity as often as the peo- 
ple fail to elect, and devolve the election on 
the House of Representatives ; and such a 
calamity will arise at every election, unless 
by concert, through conventions or other- 



platform. In the future, we shall most j wise, the votes of the people can be concen- 



iikely vote for the nominee ; even an objec 
tionable Democrat will be taken as a choice 
of evils, before a Whig, Know IS'othiiig, or 
Black Republican, because he will more 
nearly represent your political opinions than 
either of them. Our delegation might de- 
feat an objectionable man and secure a good 
one ; in such a contingency, would we iiave 
acted justly to the Democratic party of the 
Union, who have engrafted on the statute- 
book every law to be found there, wherein 
your rights are protected and your interests 



trated on some one candidate, representing 
their opinions. 

The people have failed in two cases to 
make an election, both of which have be- 
come important in history. The first was 
when Jefferson and Burr received an equai 
number of votes. The contest convulsed the 
whole Union, and produced the most painful 
apprehensions in the bosoms of all patriots ; 
and well it might, when we review its his- 
tory, and learn that .Tefierson finally tri- 
umjihed over Burr by a single vote. The 



advanced? The eight votes wliieli we arc \ excitement was so great, that it caused the 
entitled to cast, might prove of vast import- i States tlie next y«ar to assent to the only 
ance to our southern sisters, in adopting a amendment of the Constitution adopted since 
reliable platform. Are we to continue our I the Government went fully into operation, 
deference to their nominations when we I The other was between .lackson and .-^d- 
take no part in their conventions? True ! ams, in l&2i. There had been no concen- 
dignily requires us to reject the nominee, if j tration of public opinion, by caucus or other- 
wc scorn and repudiate the nominating ' wise, because it was said to be the "era of 



good feeling," and several gentlemen were 
consequently Jvoted for. In the electoral 
college, Jackson received 99 votes, Adams 
84, Crawford 41, and Clay 37 ; neither can- 
didate having received a majority of all the 
votes cast, there was no election by the peo- 
ple, and it went to the House of Representa- 
tives. On the first ballot Mr. Adams was 
elected. This result produced a public in- 
dignation, which has had no parallel, because 
of the outrage on the popular will, in sup- 
planting General Jackson by John Quincy 
Adams. 

After that, prudent and sagacious men saw 
the importance of making an election by the 
people. To accomplish it, party organiza- 
tion on defined principles has been perfected, 
and conventions are, in the judgment of the 
people of all the other States, the safest and 
fairest means of ascertaining and concentra- 
ting the popular will. I have shown the im- 
portanee of perfect union and concert in the 
Democracy if they expect to triumph in the 
next election. Will we hazard a defeat by 
churlishly withholding our counsels from our 
political associates at the Cincinnati Conven- 
tion ? Will we hazard another outrage on 
the popular will by carrying the next elec- 
tion into the House ? Be not deceived by the 
opponents of representation, when they tell 
you that our vote is small, and can be of no 
service in nominating or voting a platform. 
Jefferson was elected by a single vote ; many 
of the most important laws have been passed 
by one vote ; the casting vote of the Vice 
President reduced the tariff in 1846. Your 
votes will count ; your delegates will be kind- 
ly received, and their wishes and preferen- 
ces treated with the most respectful consid- 
eration. Instruct them, if you choose, to re- 
tire from the convention, if the principles 
adopted by it are unsound, or if the nominee 
is unreliable. If you do not choose to in- 
struct them, send prudent, wise, sagacious 
delegates, and say to them that the Democratic 
party of South Carolina expects to receive no 
detriment at their hands. 

Be not deterred by Know Nothings or fishy 
Democrats, who may denounce you for go- 
ing into the convention — nor by the per se 
disunionists who are anxious to destroy the 
Government, even without a cause — nor by 
those men who profess to be Democrats, 
when spoils of office or public printing are 
to be distributedby the Federal Government, 
and who grow intensely local when State 
spoils or office excite their venal cupidity — 
nor by men who do not admit themselves to 
be Democrats, and who are in organizations 
antagonistic to the Democratic party. None 
of those have any right to a voice in deter- 
mining the question whether the Democratic 
party of the State should be represented at 
Cincinnati. Only those who admit them- 
selves Democrats should pass upon the ques- 
tion ; and if there be only a dozen in a dis- 
trict, I trust that they may determine to have 



themselves represented at Ciiicinn&tL Stich 
Democrats as are opposed to sending dele- 
gates may refuse to go into the primary as- 
semblies, and they will then not be compro- 
mised. If they cannot go in, we have no 
cause of quarrel with them ; they exercise 
their right in staying^ out, and we do the same 
in going in. We do not profess to speak for 
the State — no party has a right to speak for 
the State : we speak for that portion of the 
Democracy who think as we do, that the 
party should exercise its privilege of send- 
ing delegates to Cincinnati. 

1 have conceded that the policy pursued 
has hereto fore been against conventions ; and 
yet, on a memorable occasion, a convention 
that assembled at Columbia, in iNIay, 1843, 
representing every district in the State, the 
fullest representation of the people in volun- 
tary convention that has been had for many 
years, very strongly committed itself and the 
people to the convention system. The dele- 
gates in that convention, and the constituen- 
cies they represented, were fully committed 
without qualification, and they committed 
themselves to an affiliation and fraterniza- 
tion with the Democratic party when it had 
given much fewer pledges, by their votes in 
Congress, and otherwise, to the political sen- 
timents which we have most zealously cher- 
ished. Since then, the northern Democrats 
aided us to bring into the Union Texas, a 
magnificent slave-holding Territory — large 
enough to make four slave States, and 
strengthened us more in that peculiar inter- 
est than was ever before done by any single 
act of the Federal Government. Since then 
they have amended a very imperfect fugitive 
slave law, passed in 1793, and have given us 
now a law for the recovery of fugitive slaves, 
as stringent as the ingenuity of man could 
devise. Since then they have aided us by 
their votes in establishing the doctrine of 
non-intervention with slavery by Congress 
in the Territories. Since then they have re- 
duced the odious tariiiof 1842, and fixed the 
principle of imposts on the revenue, not the 
protective basis. Since then they have ac- 
tually repealed the Missouri restriction, 
opened the Territories to settlement, and en- 
abled us, if the South will be true to herself, 
and aid in peopling Kansas, to form another 
slave State. 

In 1843 a man would have been pronounced 
insane, liad he predicted that slavery would 
be introduced there by the removal of con- 
gressional restrictions. Since then they have 
adopted the Virginia and Kentucky resolu- 
tions and Madison's report — the very cor- 
ner-stone of State rights — as a part of the 
Democratic platform. They have by their 
votes in Congress and convention given all 
these pledges to the Constitution since 1843; 
and if we could then fraternize with them, 
what change has transpired that justifies the 
delegates in that contention at least, in re- 
fusing now to fraternize with northern and 



6 



southern Democrats? That convention was 
called to present formally the name of John 
C. Calhoun for the Presidency ; and to pro- 
vide for having the State represented in the then 
tipproaching Democratic Convention. It was 
presided over by the late Governor Seabrook, 
assisted by the Hons. J. Bond I'Un, J, B. O' 
Noall, Job Johnston, D. L, Wardlaw, Angus 
Patterson, and W. F. Colcock, as vice pre- 
sidents, and James Simons and B. C. Yancy 
as secretaries. A committee of twenty-one 
was appointed to report an address to the 
people of the United Status, and I invite your 
attention to the distinguished names compos- 
ing the committee, to wit : T. N. Dawkins, 
F. \V. Pickens, S. W. Trotti, Ker Boyce, 
R. F. VV. Allston, James W. Harrison, H. 
J. Caughman, J. A. Black, F. H. Elmore, 
Samuel Porcher, J. S. Brisbane, J. L. Man- 
ning, E. G. PalnuT, J. J. Chapp^^l, John 
Douglas, J. M. Felder, R. DeTreville, J. J. 
Caldwell, Edward Frost, G. W. Dargan, and 
John McQueen. The address which they 
reported was unanimously adopted by the con- 
vention. I make the following brief extract 
from it : 

" We are also unammons in recommend- 

• ing that the general convention of the 

• party should be held in Baltimore, in May, 
' 1844, and that each State should appoint as 
' many delegates as she is entitled to mem- 
' bers in the electoral college," iic. 

A committee of hfteen was appointed to 
report a plan for the representation of llie people 
qf this atate in the general convention. At the 
head of that committee was General Bu- 
chanan, of Fairtield, and the following gen- 
tlemen as members : Henry Bailey, F. D. 
Quash, A. W. Dozicr, VV. VV. Harllee, B. 
K. Hennegan, V. Sumter, L. J. Patterson, 
J. A. Leland, George Douglas, Joel Smith, 
A. J. Lawton, W. Du Bose, N. L. Grithn, 
and T. H. Pope. The report they submitted 
was likewise unanimously adopted by the 
convention, and from which i make the fol- 
lowing extracts : 

'* Resolved, That this convention concurs 
« with the Democratic Republican parly in 
' the States of Maryland, Massachusetts, 

• Rhode Island, Louisiana, Kentucky, Penn- 

• sylvania, New Hampshire, Michigan, Ala- 

• bama, and Mississippi, in the appointment 
' of a general convention of the Democratic 

• Republican party of the United States, to 

• assemble at Baltimore, in the State of 

• Maryland, in May, lti44, and that this coii- 
« vcntioii recommend the fourth Monday in 

• that month as the day of meeting of the 

• said general convention. 

"Resolved, That the vote in said general 

• convention should be per capita," &.c. 

" Resolved, That this convention recom- 
' mend to the people of the several Congrcss- 
' ionul districts of this Slate to elect a delegate 
' each to represent them respectively in the 

• said general convention," &c., "and that 
' the delegates of this convention be rcspect- 



» ively appointed committees to bring the 

• subject of this resolution to the considera- 

• tion of the people of their respective dis- 
' tricts and parishes at such times as will in- 
' sure an election of delegates to the general 
' convention on or before the first Monday 
' in April next. 

" Resolved, That this convention proceed to 
' elect by ballot two delegates to represent the 
' Stale at large in the general convention, 

• praposed to be held in May, 1644." 

The convention proceeded to a ballot, and 
actually elected Hons. F. H. Elmore and F. 
W. Pickens. These gentlemen attended the 
convention in 1844 as lobby members, and 
did much service in exciting enthusiasm in 
Mr. Polk's election. Why they did not take 
their seats does not appear; certain it is, 
that the State convention, nor any other 
subsequently called, ever revoked the au- 
thority given them to represent the State. 

An executive committee was appointed to 
carry out the general purposes of the con- 
vention, composed of the following gentle- 
men : J. Bond rOn, Nat. Heyward, Ker 
Boyce, John S. Ashe, Ed. Frost, James 
Rose, Henry Bailey, F. H. Elmore, Wm. 
Aiken, Henry Gourdin, Wm. Du Bose, J. 
M. Felder, J. L. Manning, W. M. Murray, 
and M. E. Carn. 

These proceedings show conclusively that 
the delegates in the May convention were in 
favor of having Soutii Carolina represented 
at Baltimore. I think I have shown that the 
Democratic party since has proven, by its 
recorded acts, that it is now more entitled 
to our sympathy and affiliation than it was 
in 1S43 ; and, 1 inquire, how can those who 
were for the Baltimore Convention then, 
consistently oppose sending delegates note to 
Cincinnati? Did they, by their act then, 
mean to declare that it was right and proper 
to go into a convention when Mr. Calhoun's 
name was to be brought forward for nomi- 
nation, and wrong at all other times and un- 
der all other circumstances? If they did, 
let them sav so, and let us understand if 
theirs is a devotion to men or principles. 
JN'o other convention of the party since that 
time has been held, and if their recorded 
acts are to form the evidence of their posi- 
tion, the parly must be set down as favoring 
the system. 

Mr. Calhoun's great name is appealed to 
and reliea upon as furnishing an insuperable 
barrier to going into a nominating conven- 
tion. Soon after the State convention, to 
which I have just referred, adjourned, .Mr. 
t-'alhoun was interrogated by a committee in 
Indiana, "If he would abide the result of 
a nominating convention, and support the 
nominee if he was defeated.'" He replied, 
" that he was not a candidate, that his name 
had been brought forward by his friends, 
and they must decide that question ;" but he 
adds, "1 have, however, no reason to doubt 
but they will cheerfully abide by the decis- 



ion of a convention, fairly called and fairly 

constituted, that would aitlow ample time 
for the full development of public opinion, 
and would represent, filly, equally, and 
fairly, the voice of the majority of the 
party." Does this indicate tliat he was op- 
posed to going into a convention, or disap- 
proved of that mode of selecting candidates 
for the Presidency? 

I have already stated that a convention is 
the best means of ascertaining the prefer- 
ences of the people. The usage is for each 
State to appoint the delegates in its own 
way ; consequently some appoint by State 
conventions of the party, and others by dis- 
tricts. When they meet in convention, each 
State decides for itself whether its vote 
shall be per capita, or whether a majority 
shall control the entire vote and cast it a 
unit. This gives the discretion to the States 
themselves as to the appointment of dele- 
gates and the manner of voting. When the 
votes of all the States in convention have 
been cast, a bare majority does not make a 
nomination ; that the preference of the party 
may be unmistakably for the nominee, it re- 
quires a vote of two-thirds to effect a nomi- 
nation. And a delegation dissatisfied with 
either the nominee or platform, may enter 
their protest or withdraw, and then no obli- 
gation of usage or morals requires them to 
support either. 



The true course for such Democrats in 
South Carolina as desire to be represented 
at Cincinnati, in my judgment, is to call 
meetings of those favorable to the proposi- 
tion, at the respective court houses, or other 
public places, early in the Spring, say the 
first Monday in March, and then appoint 
delegates to a State convention, to assemble 
at Columbia on the first Monday in May, 
and charge that convention with the duty of 
providing for the representation of the State 
in Cincinnati. A full and free interchange 
of opinion, among the friends of the meas- 
ure may lead to some more acceptable sug- 
gestions. 

'-^I have given you my opinions frankly on 
this subject — fearlessly, too, in despite of 
the fears of timid friends, and the frowns of 
malignant enemies. I believe it to be the 
true policy for the State to pursue. If con- 
servative national men at the North are sus- 
tained, it will increase our strength and in- 
fluence with the national Democracy, if they 
are prostrated, and the South is forced to 
look to herself alone for safety, it will con- 
ciliate the good will and kind feelings of our 
southern sisters, and give us weight and in- 
fluence in the grave councils that await us. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your friend 
and obedient servant, 

JAMES L. ORR. 

Hon. C. W. Dudley. 



^X^ at H. PoMnho:„.. S«am Boo. & Jo^^J^Sr^-.^.^^^^^O^^t W^^^n, I>. C. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



011 898 312 9 



./f^'^^^OP 



CO/Vg 



^^ss 



OOl 



898 



312 9 



r 



V 



